Paper published in META
(44) 1 [1999, No.1] 133-143
Ke Ping
Abstract: Of the many possible
factors that may induce misreadings in translation, cultural presupposition merits
the special notice of translators because it may substantially and
systematically affect their interpretation of the facts and events in source
texts without their knowing it. This paper is an attempt at pinpointing the
relationships between cultural presuppositions and translational misreading.
The writer considers some major elements in the four sub-systems of culture and
examines how these elements aided in the breeding of some presuppositions that
inadvertently affected the translator’s decoding of the source message.
摘要: 在引起翻译误读的诸种因素中,文化预设尤其值得引起注意,因为它能在译者茫然无觉的情况下对他们的原文读解产生系统的影响。本文试图捕捉文化预设与翻译误读之间的内在关系。作者根据文化人类学对文化构成所做的界定,从技术-经济、社会、观念和语言四个文化子系统的角度分析了文化预设对原文读解实际产生的负面影响,并据此指出:为了尽可能减少原文误读的机会,译者有必要对自己头脑中的文化预设与各种“先结构”保持充分的警醒和认识。
No man ever looks at the world with pristine eyes. He sees it edited
by a definite set of customs and institutions and ways of thinking.
― Ruth Benedict (1959:2)
Despite its apparent undesirability, misreading constantly occurs in translations of all ages. Since translation consists basically in understanding and making others understand (“Traduire, c’est comprendre et faire comprendre”), misreading on the translator’s part would almost always result in the distortion of the source message and consequently in one form or another of failure in the communication between the source writer and the target reader.
Misreadings in translation are often caused by the presuppositions the translator harbors about the reality of the source language community. These presuppositions are usually culturally derived and deserve the special attention of the translator. In this paper I will look into the problem of how cultural presuppositions bear upon misreadings in translation.
Philosophically presupposition refers to the logically necessary condition of some state of affairs which must be satisfied if the state of affairs is to obtain, e.g. the uniformity of nature is a presupposition of the rationality of inductive reasoning; memory is a presupposition of our having a concept of the past. Kant’s ethical theory of the categorical imperative is an account of the presuppositions of a particularly rigorous form of Protestant morality (Bullock & Stallybrass eds., 1977:495).
“Cultural presupposition as understood in the present study refers to the underlying assumptions, beliefs, and ideas that are culturally rooted and that are generally shared by persons, but rarely if ever described or defined, simply because they seem so basic and obvious as not to require verbal formulation. For example, truth in the Bible is presupposed to be essentially about moral behavior instead of an abstract definition of reality or being, and wisdom the ability to decide moral and human issues with justice instead of intellectual capacity to formulate philosophical questions and provide cogent systems. The symbols of light and darkness are not related in the Bible to knowledge and ignorance, but to deliverance from or slavery to evil. And to know the Lord, sin, or deliverance, is not to know about such objects or events, but to experience them (Nida, 1981:14-16).
The term culture is used in this paper in its anthropological sense. The first important anthropological definition of culture is presented by Sir Edward Tylor in primitive Cultures (1871). He defines culture as that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, customs and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society (quot. in Bock, 1979:13-14). Tylor’s definition has continually been the basis of most modern anthropological conceptions of culture.
Most anthropologists agree on the following features of culture:
(1) Culture is socially acquired instead of biologically transmitted;
(2) Culture is shared among the members of a community instead of being unique to an individual;
(3) Culture is symbolic. Symbolizing means assigning to entities and events meanings which are external to them and not able to be grasped by themselves alone. Language is the moat typical symbolic system within culture;
(4) Culture is integrated. Each aspect of culture is tied in with the other aspects.
Culture is normally regarded as comprising, with some slight variations, the following four sub-systems:
(1)
Techno-economic System:
ecology (flora, fauna, climate, etc.) [1];
ways of production, exchange, and distribution of goods;
crafts, technology, and science;
artifacts.
(2)
Social System:
social classes and groups;
kinship system (typology, sex and marriage, procreation and paternity, size of the family, etc.);
politics and the law;
education;
sports and entertainment;
customs;
general history [2].
(3)
Ideational System:
cosmology;
religion;
magic and witchcraft;
folklore;
artistic creations as images;
values (moral, aesthetic, etc.);
cognitive focus and thinking patterns.
ideology.
(4)
Linguistic System:
phonology and graphemics;
grammar (morphology and syntax);
semantics and pragmatics.
All the ingredients in these four sub-systems may be responsible for some presuppositions that are fundamentally different from those bred by other cultures and hence possibly lead to some misreadings when translation or other forms of communication are conducted across two cultures. In the following I will consider some of these culture-bound presuppositions as observed in mistranslated texts.
At the turn of the twentieth century, when Western and Russian literatures were first introduced into China on a large scale, drawing-room used to be translated into Chinese as tuhua shi (artist’s studio) for the obvious reason that the interior structure of Western-styled houses was rather alien then to most Chinese, for whom a room with a similar function as the drawing-room was tangwu (the central room or the main hall of a house) which is however not a place which the guests withdraw into after a dinner, but a room where the guests are received and where meals are taken as well. With the presupposition subconsciously in mind that the room in a Western-styled house which functioned like a tangwu (“hall-room”) would be called likewise, the translators did not bother to find out in a dictionary what a drawing-room really was and rendered it into the Chinese language in a mistaken way.
Courtesy expressions immediately reflect the socio-behavioral patterns of a culture. The notion of courtesy seems to be something universal, but people from different cultures might have different ideas as to what are courtesy expressions and what are not. Traditionally, e.g. a Chinese may greet a friend or acquaintance by asking Have you had your meal? or Where are you going? A Westerner on the same occasion would, however, say something like Hello!, Good morning!, Nice day, isn’t it?, etc. When meeting a friend who has just arrived from a long journey, the Chinese would conventionally say: You must have had a tiring journey. The Westerner would ask instead: Did you have a nice trip? or Did you enjoy your trip?
One principle in the information theory states that the greater the probability of the occurrence of an event, the smaller the amount of information the message contains about it. In the case of language, it is apparent that the more frequently an expression may occur, the less meaningful it becomes. Since courtesy expressions are marked by a high frequency of usage in the cultures they belong to, their meaning is almost exclusively pragmatic. When they are literally transferred into a language of another culture on the presupposition that the target language society has the same pattern of phatic communication, they may nevertheless be taken in their referential meaning and cause misunderstanding on the part of the target receiver.
Cultural presuppositions in connection with the ideational system are responsible for perhaps the greatest number of translational misreadings because the worlds different cultures face differ much less than the ways wherein members of different cultures look at the reality of the world they are exposed to. For instance, both Chinese culture and Anglo-American culture regard time as a continuum, but when referring to the past and the future in terms of back and ahead, these two cultures seem to have adopted different datum points. A traditional Chinese seems to be facing to the past, perceiving what had happened as ahead of him and what is yet to come as behind him. A native English speaker, however, appears to assume just the opposite viewpoint. For example:
But we are getting ahead of the story.
Danshi women shuodao gushi de houmian qule. [Lit.: But we are getting to the back of the story. ]
Negligence of this difference in temporal perspective would probably result in a wrong translation of the following passage, whose context does not provide any clue to the relative earliness or lateness of the time mentioned:
The first is in the two essays of part II on culture and biological evolution, where the fossil datings given in the original essays have been definitely superseded. The dates have, in general, been moved back in time .... [Geertz, 1973: preface]
Buddhism played a major part in the evolution of Chinese culture and contributed to the Chinese language many expressions, one of which being santou liubei (“three hands and six arms”) The divine trinity of Hinduism are characterized by more heads, arms, and hands than mortal men. Brahma, the Creator of the Universe, has four heads and four hands; Vishnu, the preserver, has four hands; and Siva, God of Destruction and Reproduction, has five heads, four hands, and three eyes. Buddhism remolded Hindu gods and introduced two patterns of the shaping of god’s heads, arms, and hands, one being that of four hands and four eyes, the other being that of three heads and six arms. The latter has entered everyday speech as well as literary language. It is not quite possible for the Western audience to know that three heads and six arms means in Chinese superhuman wisdom and power as of Buddhist gods. To prevent the possible misreading of its contextual meaning by the target reader, the phrase is culturally adapted in the following translation:
Tan Zhaodi peng bude ma? Ni shi santou liubei, wo ye gan peng. [Zhou Erfu. Shanghai de Zaochen.]
Is Tan Chao-ti some sacred being that no one dares to offend? But I dare, even if you’re a demigod! [Trans. A.C. Barnes]
Different cultures may cherish significantly different presuppositions in terms of values and attitudes. While Western culture prizes the individual, for example, traditional Chinese culture lays great stress on the group. It is not at all accidental that in the following illustration:
There was nothing mass produced about the school. But if it was individualistic, it also had discipline. [Agatha Christie. Cat Among the Pigeons]
the translator should turn the phrase mass produced favorably (and wrongly) into daliang chu rencai de producing a large number of talented personnel, because in the Chinese mind, group behavior, which tends to be socially commended, is usually regarded as an antithesis to individualistic action, which is often met with suspicion and disapproval in the society.
As
the basis of political and economic systems and a major shaping force of modern
society, ideology has been the cause of many cultural presuppositions that
effected misreading of one kind or another. Piotr Kuhiwezak (1990:125) makes an
insightful analysis of the misreading of Milan Kundera’s novel The Joke by both the author’s own
country and the West. In The Joke (Zert), Kundera tells a love story set in
Kundera has been acclaimed as one of the greatest writers of our time. His works are almost always characterized by an obsessive concern with and persistent deliberation upon the nature of existence and the conditions of modern man’s life and spiritual state. Their aim, as the author insists, has been to analyze the actions of ordinary people, caught up in situations generated by their own thoughts and their own actions. The Joke, which was Kundera’s first major work, well demonstrates this feature of his novels. The author’s concern about the universal instead of the particular in this work may be best illustrated by the following passage in which Ludvik asks himself a question about the significance of his own actions, and which sums up the main theme of the novel ― Ludvik’s quest for rational patterns in life:
Do love stories, apart from happening, being, have something to say? For all my skepticism, I had clung to a few superstitions ― the strange conviction, for example, that everything in life that happens to me has a sense beyond itself, means something, that life in its day-to-day events speaks to us about itself so that it gradually reveals a secret, that it takes the form of a rebus whose message must be deciphered, that the stories we live in comprise the mythology of our lives and in that mythology lies the key to truth and mystery. Is it all an illusion? Possibly, even probably, but I can’t seem to rid myself of the need to decipher my life continually. [Kundera, 1983:140; Quo. in Kuhiwezak 1990:127]
The
novel was first published in
Kundera claims that, for some years, he spent more time correcting translations of his novels and chasing the journalists who misrepresented his views than in writing the original works. Under his protest, the 1969 version was withdrawn from the market and most libraries. An edition in which the omitted passages were reinstated appeared in 1970 as the Penguin Books hardcover edition. In 1983 Faber and Faber published the new American translation of The Joke, approved by the author and made by Michael Heim. The story of The Joke thus came to a happy conclusion, but the implications it carries about the underlying relationships between conflicting ideologies in the modern world and the gross misreadings on the part of translators and publishers will be persistently significant.
Cultural presuppositions may sometimes be traced to the linguistic, especially semantic structures of a language. The most typical case is one wherein comparable words in different languages may carry strikingly different associations. In Chinese, for instance, vinegar is often another name for jealousy, e.g. chichu (“eat vinegar” ― to be jealous). In English, however, the word is connotative of ill-tempered speech, character, etc. One may say that someone’s remarks are made with a strong note of vinegar. Sour or vinegary means in English bad-tempered, peevish (“a sour mood”), ill-disposed or bitter (“sour toward one’s former associates”), but in Chinese sourness or being sour is connected with pedantry, so a pedantic scholar is often said to be a sour one.
In extreme cases, deep-rooted cultural presuppositions and dogmatically held cultural values may even prompt the translator to misrepresent the source message purposefully. This may be observed in some Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures. Chinese Buddhism is in many ways quite different from the Hindu Buddhism, although Chinese Buddhists, especially the priests, all claim some sutras to be the foundation of the doctrine of the sect they each belong to. Buddhist creed was in a large measure sinolized owing to the translation of sutras. Such basic notions of Buddhism as anitya (impermanence), anatman (no independent individual existence), and sunyata (emptiness or void) have never entered into Chinese philosophy as they originally were; they were received in line with Chinese ideology (Jin, 1984:212).
An important source of interference with sutra translation was Chinese values, especially those rooted in Confucianism, which the sutra translators made an effort to accommodate to. For instance, the exceptional reverence in Chinese consciousness for one’s teachers and superiors led the translator of Fa Hua Qing to rewrite arbitrarily the sentence An enlightened self (Pratyekabuddha) opened his eyes to the Truth without looking to his master for help (anacaryaka). into he listened to the Buddha’s law and accepted it as being true. This is just the opposite of its original meaning. (Nakamura, 1981:209)
Such
cases of deliberate misrepresentation are especially common when sex is
involved in the original. Generally speaking, Indians are indifferent about
sexual matters. They are plain-spoken in describing sexual affairs and accept a
description so far as it is that of an objective fact. German scholars, among
the modern Europeans, usually translated literally the sexual explanations
mentioned in Indian literatures. On the contrary, English scholars in many
cases used the Latin or euphemistic explanation instead of the literal
translation. Chinese translators of sutras resembled the English gentlemen in
equivocating about expressions involving sex, because educated Chinese,
influenced by Confucianism, have an aversion toward writings about sex. A Pali
text mentions that one of the defilements connected with drinking stimulants is
that those who drink liquor are apt to display their sexual organs. The Chinese
translator turned this phrase into those who drink liquor are apt to become
angry (Nakamura, 1981:260-261). This puritan attitude toward sex is still
perceivable now and then in the translations published in present-day
The Chinese translation of the title of Milan Kundera’s novel, The Unbearable Lightness of Being, is also indicative of the interference of cultural presuppositions with the translator’s reading of the original. As the English title suggests, the theme of the novel is tinted with a philosophical, perhaps somewhat nihilistic tone of color. But the title of the Chinese version, back-translated, reads the Unbearable Lightness in Life. The replacement of the preposition of with in actually produces a major change in the meaning of the title: it effaces the metaphysical overtones (which are certainly not so positive and inspiring according to the prevalent ideology of contemporary Chinese society) of the original work. Linguistically, the translators could not have confused the proper meaning of the prepositions “of” and “in”. They made the present choice most probably out of cultural considerations.
Cultural
presuppositions should be brought to the full awareness of translators and
teachers of foreign languages for two reasons. First, a correct interpretation
of the source message may rest upon a due understanding of the relevant facts
or features of the source culture. In many cases, however, the presuppositions
a translator harbors about the source culture may be based upon the realities
of his/her own culture. If the source and target cultures differ significantly
in relevant aspects, the source message may be wrongly deciphered. This is
especially true where linguistic ambiguities are involved. We may illustrate
this by considering two examples from the English translations of classic
Chinese literature. The first example is a stanza in “Qiyue” (The Seventh
Moon), a narrative poem from
Qiyue liuhuo, jiuyue shouyi.
Chunri zaiyang, youming canggeng.
Nü zhi yikuang, zun bi
weihang,
Chunri chichi, caifan yiyi.
Nü xin shangbei,
[In the seventh month the Fire-star declines,
In the ninth month winter garments are handed out.
Spring days bring us the sun’s warmth,
And the orioles sing.
Girls carrying deep baskets
Go along narrow pathways,
Look for young mulberry leaves.
As spring days lengthen,
In crowds they gather the southernwood.
A girl’s heart is sick and troubled,
Fearing that she may have to go home with her lord.]
― Trans. Irving Y. Lo (Wang, Yuexi & Wang Enbao [eds.], 1994:64-65)
This poem depicts the year-long toil of the slaves of the Western Zhou Dynasty. The cited stanza portrays a scene in which a group of slave women, carrying baskets, set out in sunny spring days to gather mulberry leaves and southernwood. But despite the lovely weather, one slave girl feels sad and troubled because she is afraid that the profligate son of her owner might force her to go back home with him later. In an English anthology of Chinese literature (Birch et al. eds., 1980:24), the last line of the stanza is rendered as:
A girl’s heart is sick and sad
Till with her lord she can go home.
This translation must appear rather ridiculous to the Chinese readers because it presents a picture which is exactly contrary to the original one, making it look as if the slave girl just could not wait to be with her lover or husband. Superficially, the mistranslation was due to the ambiguities of the meaning of two words in this line, i.e., dai, which may mean either almost or fear in this context; and ji, which has two apparently equally tenable senses here: till and with, both of which finds explicit expression in the English version. Nevertheless, a Chinese reader, even though not at all versed in classic Chinese, would almost never interpret the line as the translator in Cyril’s anthology does. So there should be some more profound reasons for the translator’s misreading of the line. Since both the senses carried by each of the two words are linguistically plausible in their verbal context, what really counts in this case must not be language, but culture: the true senses intended by the author can only be determined by a reference to the poem’s cultural context. It has been commonly observed that in traditional Chinese society women’s feelings towards the male sex were generally characterized by bashfulness and reservedness. They tended to show aloofness or even dread to those who were superior to them in economical and social status. The translator of the poem in Cyril’s anthology seems to have neglected this basic fact about the mentality of traditional Chinese women and have reasoned from the standpoint and experience of his own culture, thus making the wrong choices from the two semantic possibilities provided by the source signs.
Another
example comes from the 14th-century Chinese historical novel Sanguo Yanyi (The Romance of the Three
Kingdoms). In the preface to his
translation, Moss Roberts quotes what King Liu Bei says in Chapter 15 to
comfort his sworn brother
Quekan qizi chou he zai,
Manjuan shishu xi yu kuang.
[I gaze at my wife and children, all my grief forgotten.
And roll up my papers at random, wild with joy.]
Since qizi
is used in both these two senses in earlier vernacular Chinese (and in modern
Chinese as well), neither dictionaries nor the linguistic context is able to
assist the translator in deciding rightly on what Liu Bei means by qizi. One has to resort to traditional
Chinese values for a proper judgment of what the prince has in mind as he uses
the word. It should be realized that women in old
The second reason that cultural presuppositions should draw sufficient attention from translators and teachers of foreign languages is that communicative errors caused by them are usually more covert and harder to be detected than grammatical failures, and hence may cause serious misunderstanding on the part of the target receiver. For instance, a Westerner who is met in the street by a Chinese acquaintance who has only a superficial knowledge of English and is greeted by him/her with a Chinese greeting Where are you going? may feel puzzled or even uncomfortable, thinking that the inquirer is prying into his/her privacy.
* *
Nida and Reyburn (1981:2) rightly points out: In fact, difficulties arising out of differences of culture constitute the most serious problems for translators and have produces the most far-reaching misunderstandings among readers. These difficulties exist largely because of the fact that all translators work in some specific socio-cultural contexts. It is just inevitable that they be under the sway of some specific presuppositions prescribed by the culture in which they were brought up. To minimize the chance of misreading the original from the point of view of their own cultures, translators need to be aware of and constantly alert of, among other things, the Vorstruktur (“pre-structure”) imposed upon their consciousness by their own cultural background. In order to avoid any potential misreading or misinterpretation of the source text on the part of the target reader, it is desirable that translators make appropriate use of target language resources to clarify any potentially misleading senses of the linguistic signs in the target context.
In
this paper I have focused almost exclusively on the negative facet of cultural
misreading for the simple reason that it caused misunderstanding, hatred, and
even bloodshed on too many occasions in human history. Before closing my
discussion, however, I should do justice to cultural misreading by pointing out
that in some cases it was indeed turned to good account on the part of the
receiving culture. Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), the pioneer Jesuit missionary who
came to China in the late 16th century, for example, deliberately misread the
Confucian notion of Heaven, which refers largely to the objective laws embodied
by Nature, as something basically the same as the Christian conception of Dieu or God, which points nevertheless
to a personified supernatural being and a unique creative entity. Ricci’s
misreading made the notion of God appearing closer to the Chinese mind and
whereby aided in the acceptance and wide spreading of Christianity in
Today, when the human race is going into a new century wherein different nations and cultures cannot but learn to live peacefully on a planet which is becoming increasingly small and crowded, and when developments in science and information technology are rendering us more and more opportunities to know each other better, purposeful cultural misreading out of good will is apparently not so desirable as it used to be. We need, perhaps more urgently than ever, cool-headed mutual understanding, more mutual appreciation, and to that end, less ethnocentrism and less prejudice.
2 General history is a record of the past people and
events of a society. Many of these would have a sustaining impact on the later
stages of the growth of the culture on which they left their footprints.
Bassnett, Susan & André Lefevere (Eds.) 1990. Translation, History and Culture.
Benedict, Ruth. 1959. Patterns of Culture.
Bock, Philip. 1979. Modern Cultural Anthropology (3rd. ed.).
Bullock, Alan & Oliver Stallybrass
(Eds.) 1977. The Fontana Dictionary of
Modern Thought.
Birch, Cyril et al. (Eds.). 1980-1981.
Anthology of Chinese Literature. 2 vols.
Geertz, Clifford. 1973. The Interpretations of Cultures.
Jin, Kemu. 1984. Bijiao Wenhua Lunji [Comparative Culture: an anthology].
Kuhiwezak, Piotr. 1990. Translation as
Appropriation: The Case of
Kundera,
__.
The Unbearable Lightness of Being. [Chinese
edn.: 1989. Shengming Zhong Buneng Chengshou zhi Qing (Han, Shaogong & Han
Gang, Trans.).
Lefevere, André. 1990. Translation: Its Genealogy in the West. In Susan Bassnett & André Lefevere (Eds.), 1990.
Liu, Shaoming. 1984. Fangcun Yi Luan ― Lun Yishi zhi Nan. In the Federation of
Chinese Translators & the Editorial Board of Zhongguo Fanyi [The Journal of Chinese Translation] (Eds.), Fanyi Yanjiu Lunwen Ji [An Anthology of
Translation Studies]. 2 vols.
Nakamura, Hajame. 1981. Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples
(Philip Wiener, Rev.
Nida, Eugene & William Reyburn 1981. Meaning Across Cultures. American
Society of Missiology Series, No. 4.
Wang, Yuexi & Wang Enbao (Eds.). 1994.
100 Chinese Classical Poems in English.
Yue, Daiyun & Alain Le Pichon. 1995. Dujiaoshou yu Long (The Unicorn and the
Dragon).
Ke Ping was born in
Correspondence:
Prof. Ke Ping, Department of English,
柯平:1987年毕业于南京大学研究生院,获英语语言文学硕士学位。1987-1990年在北京大学英语系任讲师,主讲英语精读、英汉翻译与汉英翻译等课程。1990年回到母校任教。1993-1994年任英国剑桥大学语言学系访问学者。现为南京大学外语学院副教授,硕士研究生导师。主要研究方向为翻译理论、语言学和文化史,著有《英汉与汉英翻译》一书及论文近20余篇,译有英美文学作品多部(篇)、艺术图书三部。
__________________________________________________________________________________________
Abstract of the paper presented to the
International Translation Symposium,
Cultural
Presuppositions and Misreading
(Abstract)
Ke Ping
Despite its apparent undesirability, misreading constantly occurs in translations of all ages. Since translation consists basically in understanding and making others understand , misreading on the translator’s part almost invariably results in the distortion of the source message and consequently in one form or another of failure in the communication between the source writer and the target reader.
Of the many possible factors that are explanatory of misreadings in translation, presupposition merits our special attention, because it may substantially and systematically affect our interpretation of events without our knowing it. This paper is an attempt at pinpointing the internal relationships between cultural presuppositions and misreading in translation. (By cultural presupposition is meant the underlying assumptions, beliefs, and ideas that are culturally rooted and that are generally shared by persons, but rarely if ever described or defined, simply because they seem so basic and obvious as not to require verbal formulation [after Nida, 1981:14]).
Culture is normally regarded as comprising, with some slight variations, four major component parts, i.e. (1) techno-economic system; (2) social system; (3) ideational system; and (4) linguistic system. All the ingredients in the four systems may be responsible for some presuppositions that are fundamentally different from those bred by other cultures and hence possibly lead to some kind of misreadings when translation or other forms of communication is conducted across two cultures. However, the most remarkable cultural presuppositions underlying translational misreading are related to a culture’s ecological environment, social institutions, general history, religious faiths, ideology, values, as well as the semantic structure of its language.
To minimize the chance of misreading the original, the translator should be aware of and constantly alert of, among other things, the Vorstruktur (“pre-structure”) imposed on his/her consciousness by his/her own culture. In order to avoid any potential misreading or misinterpretation of the source text on the part of the target reader, it is advisable that some form of semantic compensations be incorporated into the translation where desirable.